Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito

Wednesday, 29 February 2012

Be an activist and come out of your shell

Griffin and Harrington address the party faithful

"I like the Walrus best," said Alice, "because you see he was a little sorry for the poor oysters."

"He ate more than the Carpenter, though," said Tweedledee. "You see he held his handkerchief in front, so that the Carpenter couldn't count how many he took: contrariwise."

"That was mean!" Alice said indignantly. "Then I like the Carpenter best—if he didn't eat so many as the Walrus."

"But he ate as many as he could get," said Tweedledum.

This was a puzzler. After a pause, Alice began, "Well! They were both very unpleasant characters—"

Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking-Glass and What Alice Found There, 1872

O Oysters, come and work with us!

The Walrus and The Carpenter

Griffin and Harrington address BNP activists

Lewis Carroll

(from Through the Looking-Glass and What Alice Found There, 1872)

The sun was shining on the sea,

Shining with all his might:

He did his very best to make

The billows smooth and bright

And this was odd, because it was

The middle of the night.

The moon was shining sulkily,

Because she thought the sun

Had got no business to be there

After the day was done

"It's very rude of him," she said,

"To come and spoil the fun!"

The sea was wet as wet could be,

The sands were dry as dry.

You could not see a cloud, because

No cloud was in the sky:

No birds were flying overhead -

There were no birds to fly.

The Walrus and the Carpenter

Were walking close at hand;

They wept like anything to see

Such quantities of sand:

"If this were only cleared away,"

They said, "it would be grand!"

"If seven maids with seven mops

Swept it for half a year.

Do you suppose," the Walrus said,

"That they could get it clear?"

"I doubt it," said the Carpenter,

And shed a bitter tear.

"O Oysters, come and walk with us!"

The Walrus did beseech.

"A pleasant walk, a pleasant talk,

Along the briny beach:

We cannot do with more than four,

To give a hand to each."

The eldest Oyster looked at him,

But never a word he said:

The eldest Oyster winked his eye,

And shook his heavy head

Meaning to say he did not choose

To leave the oyster-bed.

But four young Oysters hurried up,

All eager for the treat:

Their coats were brushed, their faces washed,

Their shoes were clean and neat

And this was odd, because, you know,

They hadn't any feet.

Four other Oysters followed them,

And yet another four;

And thick and fast they came at last,

And more, and more, and more

All hopping through the frothy waves,

And scrambling to the shore.

The Walrus and the Carpenter

Walked on a mile or so,

And then they rested on a rock

Conveniently low:

And all the little Oysters stood

And waited in a row.

"The time has come," the Walrus said,

"To talk of many things:

Of shoes and ships and sealing-wax

Of cabbages and kings

And why the sea is boiling hot

And whether pigs have wings."

"But wait a bit," the Oysters cried,

"Before we have our chat;

For some of us are out of breath,

And all of us are fat!"

"No hurry!" said the Carpenter.

They thanked him much for that.

"A loaf of bread," the Walrus said,

"Is what we chiefly need:

Pepper and vinegar besides

Are very good indeed

Now if you're ready, Oysters dear,

We can begin to feed."

"But not on us!" the Oysters cried,

Turning a little blue.

"After such kindness, that would be

A dismal thing to do!"

"The night is fine," the Walrus said.

"Do you admire the view?

"It was so kind of you to come!

And you are very nice!"

The Carpenter said nothing but

"Cut us another slice:

I wish you were not quite so deaf

I've had to ask you twice!"

"It seems a shame," the Walrus said,

"To play them such a trick,

After we've brought them out so far,

And made them trot so quick!"

The Carpenter said nothing but

"The butter's spread too thick!"

"I weep for you," the Walrus said:

"I deeply sympathize."

With sobs and tears he sorted out

Those of the largest size,

Holding his pocket-handkerchief

Before his streaming eyes.

"O Oysters," said the Carpenter,

"You've had a pleasant run!

Shall we be trotting home again?'

But answer came there none

And this was scarcely odd, because

They'd eaten every one.

I deeply sympathize

The British National Party's candidate for Mayor of London, Uruguayan immigrant Carlos Cortiglia, disowns his own campaign!

In an early move to protect his personal reputation, Senor Cortiglia has attempted to distance himself from the growing fiasco that is the BNP's campaign for the Greater London Authority elections in May.

Clearly embarrassed by the ineptitude of the party's regional organizer and lead candidate on its list for the London Assembly elections, Steve Squire, as well as by the lack of both money and activists for the Mayoral campaign, Carlos has said "Not me, Guv".

In an attempt to pass the buck to Nick Griffin where, truth be told, it should stop, Carlos has said that if anyone wants up to date information on the BNP's London election campaign, they should not ask him ("I know naathing") but should visit the main party web site instead.

London Patriot is a sympathizer’s site, not an official site

Posted on 23 February 2012 by Carlos Cortiglia.

For those of you who still do not know it, London Patriot is not an official British National Party site. It is a sympathizer’s site. I publish articles in London Patriot as I publish articles on other websites. If you wish to know about up-to-date details of the electoral campaign in London, the best source of information is the official British National Party site at www.bnp.org.uk that is regularly updated. London Patriot supports the electoral campaign but has little to do with the running of the official electoral campaign.

Tuesday, 28 February 2012

Inadequate border controls are to blame

28 February 2012

Last updated at 12:00

The illegal immigrants desperate to escape squalor of Britain

By Chris Rogers

BBC News

They came to Britain illegally in search of a better life, but the reality turned out to be far removed from what they dreamed of.

The BBC has spoken to illegal immigrants who find themselves living amongst rats and rubbish in makeshift garden sheds and garages. They want to be deported back to India, but many are trapped in a bureaucratic no man's land without any documents.

Jagdeesh pulls away a piece of cardboard revealing a tiny hole in a concrete wall. He invites me to climb through, declaring: "This is my home, come in."

As I crawl into the derelict garage in west London, the torchlight reveals half the roof is missing, a floor littered with rubbish, and rats scurrying away.

The 22-year-old illegal immigrant jumps on to a mattress in the corner. His makeshift bed is protected from the elements by plastic sheeting.

Jagdeesh's family paid £10,000 to traffickers who promised a better life and smuggled him from India to Britain with dozens of others in the back of a lorry.

Voluntary returns

"I was told that life was good here. It's not just me, other boys came for work," he says. "You can see what state we're in, there's no work, no government help."

Jagdeesh has cut himself off from his family, saying he is ashamed of his failure to find work and would rather they thought he was dead than knew he was living in filth.

"They sold land and took out loans to get me out of India. What can I say to my family back home? The money we've invested is lost," he says.

Out of work, penniless and 4,000 miles from home, Jagdeesh has handed himself in for deportation.

Voluntary departures from the UK to all countries have risen steadily over the past six years, from 335 in 2005 to 15,537 in 2010, before falling to 12,879 in 2011, Home Office figures show.

Voluntary returns from the UK

2005 - 335

2006 - 3,034

2007 - 4,805

2008 - 7,644

2009 - 11,783

2010 - 15,537

2011 - 12,879

Source: Home Office

It is barely dawn as Jagdeesh and hundreds of other illegal immigrants from India descend on a car park outside Southall train station in west London.

They stand in silence, shivering in the bitter cold. This car park was once a busy pick-up point for cheap illegal workers before the work slowed down in the economic downturn.

It is mid-morning by the time a van swings into the car park. Suddenly dozens of men rush towards the driver's window offering their skills, shouting above each other.

"I make a good plumber," shouts one. "I work hard boss, 12 hours for £20," shouts another.

Several men scramble for a place in the back of the van, pushing others out of the way, then the van speeds off. For those left behind, there will be no more offers of work that day.

Surinder, 33, also from Southall, arrived in the UK more than 10 years ago. There was a time when he made £300 a week working six days as a heating engineer, but he is now living in the poverty he came here to escape.

He heads back to the home he shares with several other illegal immigrants - a tiny, poorly constructed building in his landlord's garden. Inside, there are three beds and a cooking area.

"We can barely make ends meet. It's been two months and we've only worked four days, what can we do?" he says.


He throws his work overalls on to a scruffy sofa as if to show his frustration.

"We have to pay the landlords, there are four or five us, and so we club together to pay it."

The rent is £800 a month. Landlords appear to be prepared to risk housing illegal immigrants for an inflated price.

They have been told not to open the door to anyone in case they are planning or immigration officials, but we obtained access by posing as volunteers offering food and blankets.

The immigrants complain of damp, cramped conditions, but being exploited by their own people angers them most.

"Our people who are here legally, permanent residents, who've made homes here, they've paid for their houses because of us," Jandeep says angrily.

"Their mortgages are paid because they charge a high rent. Everyone who lives here is Punjabi."

Row after row of terraced houses in this predominantly Asian area of west London are housing illegal immigrants in back gardens, creating slum-like areas.

Local councils estimate there are 10,000 sheds concealed from view across London and the Home Counties, lining networks of alleyways.

'Satellite images'

Council planning officers and immigration agencies are using satellite images to document them.

But Ealing Council, which is responsible for the area we visited, is calling on the government for greater powers to inspect these buildings.

Local councils often have to give 24 hours' notice to landlords and tenants for inspection, which gives them plenty of time to clear evidence.

Sheds with beds are the last resort for migrant workers. Surinder plans to head back to India before he ends up on the street, even if he has to pay traffickers to help him.

"If I don't go back while I still have some money, it's over for me, then it's drink, drugs and no way home," he says.

Homeless communities camp out under motorways and canal bridges We found many homeless communities sheltering in blankets and boxes in Southall under a network of motorway and canal bridges.

But like many illegal immigrants, they are stuck in a bureaucratic no man's land. Their traffickers instructed them to destroy their identity papers to make deportation difficult.

Now they are pleading to be sent back to India, but without their ID the process is slow.

Many have slipped into a destructive cycle of alcohol and drug abuse. Jaspal, 21, was jailed for shoplifting and is now back on the streets and back on heroin.

"I want to go back, they arrest me and I tell them 'Send me back', but they won't - because I have no passport - even though I spent one year in prison," he says.

"I can't sleep outside without drugs and I can't turn to my family for help. They spent thousands sending me here. It will cause too much tension."

Then Jaspal climbs under his blanket for one last hit to get him through the night.

Their only source of food and clothing comes from a local charity, the Sikh Welfare Awareness Team.

"They seem to be growing in number, the situation is getting worse but they have no choice but to live on the streets," says volunteer Randeep Lall.

"Their cases have been logged with the UKBA, but the Indian High Commission is dragging its feet. It's disgusting they are being left to live like this. It's a mess."

The UK Border Agency admits establishing the identity of illegal immigrants in order to issue them with emergency travel documentation can be complex.

A spokesman told the BBC: "The time it takes to obtain these documents varies and we continue to work with the High Commission of India to speed up this process."

Buta, who is in his 30s, has been waiting for three years. Each morning he cleans his teeth using a fresh water tap in the local cemetery.

Barely sober, he makes his way to Southall train station hoping to get work - he will take any wage to buy his next drink.

"I'd rather God took me, then I'd be okay. Nobody listens to me... I have nothing left to live for."

New party soon?

Acknowledgements to the Durotrigan blog for the following article

Beyond the Fringe: building a credible nationalist politics I


This article and a subsequent piece will endeavour to provide an outline of the reasons for the failure of nationalist politics in contemporary Britain, more specifically, in England, and suggest a means of breaking out of this impasse. In this initial instalment, the focus will be upon the weaknesses of the BNP and other aspirant nationalist parties, teasing out those factors that inhibit them from exerting popular electoral appeal. The second piece, to follow within the next week or so, will forward a concrete proposal for creating a popular credible nationalist politics in our country, outlining the policies and tactics required to realise the as yet largely untapped potential of nationalism.

The old Westminster parties are discredited, mistrusted and unpopular, offering voters nothing more than variations upon the same set of failed policies; our economy is in protracted and serious decline; our national independence is being hollowed out by the growing strength of transnational political and economic institutions and predatory transnational capitalism. Mass immigration continues apace, and the material and cultural fissures in our society grow ever wider. Against this backdrop, surveys reveal that nationalist policies are popular, but nationalist parties are not.

The time would thus appear ripe for nationalist politics to make a breakthrough, and yet nationalism in our country lies fractured and weak, beset with internal feuding and held back by excessive egotism. A myriad of small parties and groupuscules each pronounce their own way forward, and whilst the BNP continues its long and painful death under Nick Griffin, almost all bar the BNP remain unknown and invisible to the public at large; a near-eccentric irrelevance. In this context, it is understandable that a concept such as the Centre for Democratic Nationalism (CDN) should have arisen. However, from the perspective of the author, the CDN has made a strategic error, for it is clear from what has occurred thus far that it runs the risk of becoming a forum for the concerns of the small parties of the nationalist fringe, rather than serving as an incubator for a coherent and credible nationalist programme. Moreover, it needs to foster not an alliance of the obscure and the unknown, but the development of a professional and publicly palatable party. It is the contention of the author that no political breakthrough can be secured by pandering to the preoccupations of those on the margins, but that instead, nationalists should address themselves to the central concerns of the general public, and fashion their policies and strategies accordingly.

The Failure of the BNP

A few years ago, the BNP looked as if it held out the promise of breaking into the mainstream of British politics and becoming a credible nationalist party. This is certainly what its opponents feared. Looking back, 2009 marked its high watermark, with its first MEPs being elected in the June of that year, and party membership reputedly peaking at some 14,000. At that time, it possessed an opportunity of cultivating for itself not only a better public image, but also a strong base of public support. It could have, had it chosen the right tack, transformed itself into a significant political force with the potential for real mass growth and appeal. History however, was to determine otherwise.

Despite the protestations of its Chairman – Nick Griffin – and his apologists, the subsequent collapse in the BNP’s fortunes was not primarily due to concerted media and political opposition, but to problems within the party itself. These included a lack of internal party democracy; bad strategic decisions; the adoption of a number of outlandish policies peripheral to nationalist concerns, and the presence of some equally outlandish individuals with an inexplicable fetish for German National Socialism. This latter fact provided opponents of the BNP a very large stick with which to beat the party and its members repeatedly. Nick Griffin’s own failure to distance the BNP from Holocaust denial and his attempt to defend David Duke of the Ku Klux Klan on the BBC’s Question Time were both gratuitously unnecessary and disastrous for the image of the party. Then there were the avoidable and expensive court cases brought by Marmite and the EHRC, together with the repeated failure to submit party accounts on time, leading to the BNP’s contemporary indebtedness to the tune of somewhere between £850,000 and £1,000,000.

As a direct consequence of the excessive concentration of power in Griffin’s hands, the party was (and still is) bedevilled by clientelism, with promotion to the higher reaches of the party predicated more upon a slavish devotion to the person of the Chairman, than upon talent. The consequence of such a system has been that talent has not been recognised and utilised to best effect to forward party fortunes. Instead, mediocrities and oddballs have often been promoted to Griffin’s inner circle, Griffin himself seemingly being mistrustful and fearful of building a capable, talented and dedicated team of nationalists. Indeed, the situation is now such that a non-party member – Patrick Harrington – wields an undue degree of influence. Quite clearly, as pointed out by Andrew Brons and many others, Griffin has no intent of going anywhere. Providing that he can make a living out of his chairmanship of the party, it matters not to him whether it prospers electorally or otherwise.

A New Party

Having ascertained that neither Griffin nor Harrington are interested in necessarily either promoting the growth of the BNP or its electoral viability, it is clear that there is no point in simply waiting for Griffin to leave of his own volition. We do not have the luxury of time. Although Andrew Brons has forwarded a credible case against the formation of yet another nationalist party, it is the view of the author that this is in fact precisely what is required, whether or not our venerable MEP for Yorkshire and Humber would wish to assume the mantle of leadership himself. One thing however is clear: it would stand a much greater chance of success were he to provide it with his blessing. There are many good and dedicated nationalists who remain within the BNP or its penumbra, whose skills and enthusiasm should be put to positive and productive use in forwarding our cause. Without a practical goal to work towards, the risk is that they will leave nationalist politics altogether, or select a party that is not a good fit for their beliefs and principles. Besides these people, there are also those who have joined other parties who could be tempted back were a suitable vehicle to emerge.

Before proceeding further, it would be apposite to provide a straightforward definition of our cause. It is this: to gain recognition of the existence of the indigenous peoples of the British Isles, and in accordance with such recognition, to assert our right to national self-determination as set out in the UN Charter. Sovereignty inheres not within the person of the monarch or in parliament, but in the body of the indigenous peoples of the British Isles themselves, whether they should so choose to define themselves collectively as British, or separately as English, Scots, Welsh and Irish. Our purpose is to defend and forward the interests of our people, with a view to securing their social, political and economic well-being.

To join a new party it should only be necessary for the prospective member to pledge to forward the cause of establishing recognition of the indigenous peoples of the British Isles, and their right to political self-determination. This would constitute the sine qua non for admission. As such, the party should be open to all citizens of the United Kingdom irrespective of their background. Upon this one principle, all nationalist politics are predicated. Irrespective of differences in other spheres of policy, this is the one principle around which all nationalists can surely unite.

There has been much discussion concerning the toxicity or otherwise of the BNP brand. Certainly, Nick Griffin is as politically toxic as a politician can be, and under his leadership the BNP will never be anything other than a pariah party that people lend their vote to as a protest, holding their noses whilst they do so. As he will not relinquish control of the party, there is no alternative but to form another. The question therefore as to whether or not the BNP brand is permanently tarnished is not a relevant one. It is at this point, that many readers will cry “but what of other existing parties?! Might not they provide us with the vehicle that we require?” My answer to this is a categorical “no”.

Recently, the leadership of the Brent Group announced its decampment to the British Freedom Party, and others, as Brons has enumerated, have left at various times over the past 18 months to join the English Democrats and the National Front. Some have also managed to gain membership of UKIP, despite a formal ban on ex-BNP members, and others have joined smaller parties that realistically nobody outside of nationalist politics or those who closely observe it, such as its fervent opponents and a few academic specialists, has ever heard of. Moreover, the micro-parties on the fringe of the fringe would not attract public support if they were to be known, for after all, how much genuine appeal would a party that displays an SS Death’s Head on its homepage exert? Does an answer really need to be provided to that question? If it does, the proposal that will be outlined in the article subsequent to this one will not be to your liking, and it would be better for all concerned if you were to remain pursuing your current specialist personal interests at a far remove from the political fray.

The Weaknesses of existing Parties

Returning to the question of why none of the existing parties constitute suitable vehicles for our purpose, the reasons are numerous, yet each of the candidate parties possesses a distinctive weakness rooted in its core ideology which means that it will either never reach out beyond a certain level of support to gain electoral success at Westminster, or contains values at variance with our core principle: the recognition of the right of the indigenous peoples of the British Isles to political self-determination.

UKIP is the largest of the parties popularly perceived as to some extent possessing a nationalist, or at least patriotic, orientation. However, it proves to be unsuitable for our cause for many reasons. Ideologically it is nothing more nor less than a breakaway Thatcherite Atlanticist wing of the Conservative Party, and as such, can at best be considered a civic nationalist party; it is a class-based party that looks to the interests of transnational capital with a North American colouration. As such, its model of economic development is literally bankrupt. Furthermore, it does not recognise the concept of indigenous British peoples; its activist base is weak; its membership is highly aged; it is dominated by the person of its Chairman Nigel Farage; its MEPs do not serve the national interest when they have the opportunity to do so, and as mentioned earlier, ex-BNP members are banned. Most importantly, the general public see UKIP as a single-issue party standing for departure from the European Union, and thus do not consider voting UKIP other than in EU elections.

The English Democrats could to a certain extent be characterised as a little Englander version of UKIP, but with a more rounded economic policy and drawing a clear distinction between “the English” (ethnic) and “the people of England” (civic). Despite possessing a degree of public recognition in a handful of locations across the country – such as Doncaster where the Mayor is an English Democrat – they remain generally unknown, and their membership is small. Although some well-known former BNP members such as Eddy Butler and Chris Beverley have joined, the EDs have not experienced significant growth over the past year. The party appears to be treading water, and those voters who have heard of them tend to associate it with a single issue: an English parliament and a solution to the West Lothian Question. This is predictable enough, given that this is what Robin Tilbrook and most EDs seem to be most passionate about and to concentrate upon.

The British Freedom Party experienced a painful birth that led to the creation of a smaller entity without an ideological raison d’ĂȘtre named the Freedom Democrats. Nonetheless, the BFP attempted to formulate its own nationalist response to contemporary demographic realities through forwarding the concept of cultural nationalism, which in essence could be described as a form of beefed-up civic nationalism. Many of its other policies, good, and in some instances bad, were directly carried across from the BNP. As such, it did look as if it possessed some potential for growth and popular appeal. However, for a number of reasons this did not occur.

After almost a year in existence, BFP meetings with figures in the counter-jihad movement led to its relaunch under the chairmanship of Paul Weston last November, with caretaker leader Peter Mullins standing down. This shift however seems to have created an even greater ideological muddle, with the BFP issuing a seemingly random melange of ‘policies’ in its 20 Point Programme, a number of which were mutually incompatible. In addition, this ‘programme’ appeared to be an unnatural graft onto underlying BFP policies, and must therefore be assumed to have sprung from the imagination of the new Chairman. Owing to Weston’s personal preoccupation with Islamism and Islamisation, the BFP has fallen into the trap of fixating upon Islam, with little attention being paid to other policy issues. Whilst this focus has lent itself to a natural yet awkward tactical tie-up with the EDL, such a narrow focus will not yield general electoral success.

Weston too has acknowledged that his new model BFP is essentially “UKIP but we will talk about Islam”. That, essentially, is why Weston left UKIP: other than Lord Pearson it did not take a clear position against Islamisation. Were it to do so, my opinion is that Weston would fold the BFP tomorrow and return to UKIP. If the Tories were to ever become anti-Islamisation and pro-EU withdrawal, he would in an instant join the Conservative Party. The BFP is thus driving itself into a cul-de-sac. There remains room for party growth, but ultimately it will stall and fail, stunted by its narrow vision. It does not represent the way forward for nationalism, for although the concerns of the counter-jihad movement and nationalism overlap to a certain extent, they each represent a distinct position. The BFP is at risk of becoming a small British Neocon party.

The BFP, if people have heard of it, has thus come to be thought of as “the anti-Islam party”, just as UKIP is known as the “anti-EU party” and the EDs “the English parliament party”. All three overly fixate upon a single issue which hamstrings their electoral prospects. As for the National Front, its brand is more toxic than that of the BNP, and in public perception is simply known as “the racist party”, thus signifying electoral suicide. Any further discussion of the NF is superfluous.


Having thus surveyed the field of existing contenders for the nationalist vote in Britain and England, it is time to draw this piece to a close. The true conclusion to this article will be provided in the next instalment, in which the focus will shift to providing a positive proposal that it is hoped readers will find both appealing and practicable. After a period of dispiriting setbacks, there is a basis for cautious optimism grounded in a realistic analysis of the challenges that we face. Success yet lies within reach.

Sunday, 26 February 2012

BNP has fifty at national demo

Hundreds gather in Hyde as English Defence League protest passes off peacefully

John Scheerhout

February 25, 2012

The many...

...and the few
Police arrested eleven people for minor public order offences as a march by the English Defence League today passed off without major incident.

About 600 people who had come from all over England marched through Hyde in protest over the alleged attack on trainee baker Daniel Stringer-Prince.

The 17-year-old suffered a fractured skull in an alleged attack by up to eight Asian men.

His family pleaded with the EDL to abandon the march but it went ahead anyway.

The march began shortly after 1pm when about 600 EDL supporters marched from the town's train station to a car park, where they held a mini rally.

The British National Party also had about 50 supporters in the town. [Emphasis mine].

Greater Manchester Police mounted a huge security operation with dozens of officers on the ground, on horse-back as well as India 99, the force helicopter, overhead, while dog handlers were also on hand.

Officers dealt with a handful of minor skirmishes with some of the marchers. No-one was hurt.

Superintendent Neil Evans said: "I would like to thank both the people of Hyde and the protestors for their conduct today, which has resulted in the demonstration passing peacefully and with minimal disruption caused to Hyde itself.

"GMP respects everyone's right to a protest, but at the same time we have to balance this with the concerns of people in our local communities.

"We, the council and the communities of Hyde have worked hard over the last couple of weeks in order to facilitate this protest in a safe and responsible manner, reducing the risk of disorder by ensuring there were no surprises. Today, this work has paid off.

"There was only minimal trouble at any point during the day and for most of Hyde, it was just a case of business as usual. And although 11 protestors from the EDL group were arrested for minor public order offences or being drunk and disorderly, the vast majority were well-behaved and compliant with police.

"There will remain an increased police presence in Hyde and the surrounding area throughout the rest of the day and into the night."

Ali Haydor, 21, of Croft Street, Hyde, has been charged with section 18 assault in connection with the alleged attack on Daniel Stringer-Prince. A 17-year-old and another 21-year-old man arrested in connection with the incident have both been released on bail.

Manchester Evening News

Friday, 24 February 2012

A voice crying in the wilderness

Andrew Brons MEP: spreading the good word among the heathen at the European 'parliament'

A mob of 200 Jews?

The reporter appears to say that "A mob of around 200 Jews congregated..." Perhaps she intended to say "A mob of around 200 youths congregated..."

Takeaway was meeting place, court hears

'I called him a bastard so he grabbed me by the throat and called me a white bitch': Girl, 15, gives harrowing account of being passed around 'grooming gang' for sex. Teenager told court she was forced to have sex with 21 different men. She said the men made her feel 'scared and awful'.

11 [Asian Muslim] men on trial accused of a variety of sex offences against [English] children, including rape, trafficking and sexual assault

By Emily Allen

Last updated at 10:29 AM on 24th February 2012

A 15-year-old victim of a child sexual exploitation ring was 'grabbed by the throat' and called a 'white bitch' when she refused to have sex, a court heard today.

The girl is one of five alleged victims, aged as young as 13, who were 'shared' and 'passed around' by 11 men who all deny conspiracy to engage in sexual activity with children under the age of 16.

One of the men, a 59-year-old defendant who cannot be named, also denies two counts of rape, aiding and abetting a rape, one count of sexual assault and an allegation of trafficking within the UK for sexual exploitation.

The offences are said to have happened in and around Rochdale, Greater Manchester, in 2008 and 2009.

The girls were abused by the men who used alcohol, money, drugs and threats of violence to force them to have sex, the court heard.

Today police interviews were played to jurors at Liverpool Crown Court in which a 15-year-old victim, who is now 19, re-lived the moment she was taken to the home of Adil Khan, who was known to them as 'Billy'.

She went to the house in Rochdale, with a slightly older girl (Girl A) and four men were waiting for them.

She refused to have sex with one of the men who then turned on her.

She said: 'I called him a bastard so he grabbed me by the throat and called me a white bitch.'

The girl, who cannot be identified, told police she was 'scared' of Girl A who was pushing her into having sex with numerous men.

The court heard she was forced to have sex with more than 21 different men over the course of the abuse.

The jury heard how she was raped and forced to have sex with numerous men by the 59-year-old.

Then Abdul Aziz, known to the girls as Tariq, 'took over'.

The court heard she would see Girl A and Aziz at the Tasty Bites takeaway in Market Street, Heywood, where she was introduced to men whom she was expected to have sex with.

She said that Girl A said to her: 'Did you not know? He (Aziz) gets paid for us shagging people.'

She said the men there made her feel 'scared' and 'awful'.

'They were saying things like, she’s fat but she’ll be easy, and things like that,' she told the police.

Asked by the police officer interviewing her why she did not try to get out of it earlier, she responded: 'I don’t know. I got sacred of (Girl A) and scared of Tariq.'

The court heard Girl A threatened to tell the victim’s mother what she had been doing and also said she would 'get her battered' if she did not have sex with the men she was taken to.

Aziz would get paid £30 or £40 and the girls would sometimes get £10. Other times they would not be paid at all.

Aziz took the girls out to different houses and flats in the area, including the home of Mohammed Shazad in Rochdale.

Shazad is wanted on warrant by police in connection with these offences.

The girl told police she was taken to Shazad’s flat four times a week for three months and had sex with around nine different men.

The court heard that Girl A even forced her 13-year-sister into having sex with the men.

The girl became pregnant and had the child aborted, the court heard.

Kabeer Hassan, 24, Abdul Aziz, 41, Abdul Rauf, 43, Mohammed Sajid, 35, Adil Khan,42, Abdul Qayyum, 43, Mohammed Amin, 44, Qamar Shahzad, 29, Liaquat Shah, 41, Hamid Safi 22, and the 59-year-old man all live in the Greater Manchester area.

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2105526/Girl-15-gives-harrowing-account-passed-gang-sex.html#ixzz1nIngi4mm

Thursday, 23 February 2012

The police knew but looked the other way

'He told me to get on the bed and told me to have sex with him': girl, 15, gives harrowing account of being plied with alcohol and passed around Asian gang for sex. Teenager told court she was driven to houses and was forced to have sex with men and paid money to keep quiet. She said she was left depressed and disgusted by her ordeal.

11 [Asian Muslim] men on trial accused of a variety of sex offences against [English] children, including rape, trafficking and sex assault

By Jaya Narain

Last updated at 7:55 AM on 23rd February 2012

A court yesterday heard harrowing testimony from a 15-year-old girl who was repeatedly plied with alcohol before being passed around a group of men to be used for sex.

The teenager was driven to houses where she was forced to have sex with various men and was later paid money to keep quiet.

Yesterday a jury was played a video of a police interview in which the girl described the first time she was plied with vodka before being raped in a room above a takeaway.

The teenager told the 59-year-old man she did not want to have sex with him, but he replied: ‘That’s the deal - I give you something and you do something for me.’

Throughout her ordeal on a bare mattress in the bedroom, the girl cried and pleaded with him to stop but her abuser told her ‘Don’t cry - I love you.’

A gang of 11 men are on trial accused of a variety of sex offences against children including rape, trafficking and sexual assault.

The girl told police she was left depressed and disgusted by her ordeal. She said the abuse first began when she and friends went to a takeaway in Rochdale, Greater Manchester to get some food.

They were taken round the back of the restaurant and were talking to a man they called ‘chef’ when a 59-year-old man arrived.

The jury at Liverpool Crown Court heard the man handed a bottle of vodka to the girls before inviting the 15-year-old upstairs to a room above the takeaway.

The teenager said: ‘He told me to get on the bed and told me to have sex with him. I said ‘No’ but he said ‘I have just given you vodka so it is part of the deal - I have done something for you so you have to do something for me. He pulled his pants down and I said I don’t want to do it but he just carried on.’

She said: ‘He was just saying ‘Please, please we are good friends’ I was crying while he was doing it but he just ignored me. He started saying ‘Don’t cry, I love you’ and all this.

‘Afterwards I went downstairs and he said ‘Have you been crying?’ and I said ‘Yes’. He said: ‘I love you, when can I make love to you again?’ and I said ‘Never’’

The teenager told the court the 59-year-old then raped her again and began to pass her round his friends and acquaintances.

The court heard she and her friend had accepted a lift home from the man but instead of taking her back to her own house he took her to a property in Oldham.

Once there he told the girl: ‘You have to have sex with me before I take you home’ before raping her and then inviting a second man into the room.

The girl told police: ‘The other man came in and he said I have to have sex with him as well. I just let him do it because I thought I had to or I wouldn’t be able to go home.’

When she was finally allowed home the 59-year-old gave her £40 saying: ‘Don’t tell anyone - I’ll give you money, anything you want.’

The court heard that on another occasion the 59-year-old forced the schoolgirl to have sex with another man despite her pleading: ‘I am only 15.’

In a video interview she said: ‘He said it didn’t matter and I had to have sex with him as well. Then after that he gave me £20 to keep my mouth shut and he kept bringing people and making me have sex with them and then gave me money to shut up about it.

‘I said I didn’t want to do it anymore and he said: ‘You have to.’

I said: ‘You will get done for this if I tell the police’ and he said: ‘I won’t get done’ because in his country you are allowed to have sex with people from the age of 11.’

She went on to tell police about an occasion when he raped her in his car before buying her cigarettes and telling her ‘It’s the deal. Every time we have sex I’ll buy you things.’

The girl said the man told her ‘I’ll get someone to kill you’ and threatened to tell her mother if she didn’t get into the car and comply with his demands.

The rape claims came to light in 2008 when the girl was arrested following a disturbance at a takeaway but the jury was told yesterday that Greater Manchester Police did not take her allegation further and the girl fell back into the hands of abusers.

Rachel Smith, prosecuting, said: ‘Regrettably the police officers who looked into the matter didn’t take the investigation further at that stage.’ [Emphasis mine].

Abdul Aziz, 41, Abdul Rauf, 43, Mohammed Sajid, 35, Adil Khan, 42, Abdul Qayyum, 43, Mohammed Amin, 44, Qamar Shahzad, 29, Liaquat Shah, 41, Kabeer Hassan, 24, and Hamid Safi, 22, along with the 59-year-old man have pleaded not guilty to all charges.
The case continues.

A bomb alert at Liverpool Crown Court earlier this week brought proceedings to a halt during the trial of the eleven men accused of grooming young children.

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2104360/Girl-15-gives-harrowing-account-plied-alcohol-passed-Asian-gang-sex.html#ixzz1nCwbcJfl

All still to play for

Andrew Brons MEP delivers a characteristically entertaining speech to one of the British National Party's few remaining active units.

Notably, Andrew's speech, though it rightly points out the difficulties associated with the formation of a new party, does not rule it out as an option.  Andrew even refers to the probability of a re-alignment of forces within nationalism, following the elections in May.  If Andrew can go from looking the other way, during the 'blood-letting' of 2010, to challenging Griffin for the leadership of the BNP last year, then surely he might also move from an understandable circumspectness about helping to form a new party, to actually heading one.

Andrew rightly points out that the reformers' differences with Griffin were not ideological, but to do with the way things are run and the way people are treated. Although Andrew does not explicitly mention it, at the root of the discontent with Griffin's leadership in 2010 was the lack of openness with regard to the party's finances. Dismissing senior officers of the party because they expressed concern to one another, privately, about the conduct of the party's financial affairs, concern that was subsequently proven to be amply justified, is, if not quite tantamount to an admission of wrongdoing, highly suspicious behaviour by the party chairman.

Griffin has to go for another reason too. His unfortunate public persona, particularly following his dismal performance on BBC Question Time, in October 2009, gives the party a toxic aura which makes it effectively unelectable. Yes, as Andrew points out, the party has its core support. But it will not win elections relying on that. For parties to win elections they need to move out of their comfort zone and reach out to the undecided, 'the don't knows', winning them over with the reasonableness of their message.

But Griffin is practically the poster boy of unreasonableness. One look at his image and the electors think 'Holocaust denial' and 'Ku Klux Klan'. Griffin knows this, yet still he insists on hogging the limelight. Well, however bad things may get for our people, they are unlikely ever again to turn to a BNP that is led by Griffin.

You ain't seen nothing yet

Fuehrer wanted - no experience necessary

Wednesday, 22 February 2012

Give this trial the prominence it deserves

One of the few 'mainstream' media outlets reporting the trial is the BBC News web site

21 February 2012

Last updated at 19:27

Men 'plied girls with drink and drugs for sex'

Seven of the men arrived at Liverpool Crown Court for the start of the trial on Tuesday, the four others are in custody. A group of 11 [Asian Muslim] men plied [English] girls as young as 13 with drink and drugs so they could use them for sex, a court has heard.

The offences are said to have happened in and around Rochdale, Greater Manchester, in 2008 and 2009.

Liverpool Crown Court heard how the men, aged between 22 and 59 and from Oldham and Rochdale, "acted together to sexually exploit the girls".

All deny conspiracy to engage in sexual activity with a child under 16.

Rachel Smith, opening the case for the prosecution, said one 13-year-old fell pregnant to one of the defendants and had an abortion.

She said another girl felt flattered by the attention but that she quickly became regularly heavily drunk, depressed and "incapable of getting herself out of the situation".

Another teenager recalled being raped by two men while she was "so drunk she was vomiting over the side of the bed", she added.

Miss Smith said: "No child should be exploited as these girls say they were."

'Raped and assaulted'

The court heard that some of the girls were raped and physically assaulted and some were forced to have sex with "several men in a day, several times a week".

Miss Smith said the girls were given alcohol, food and money in return for sex but that there were times when violence was used.

The court was told that some of the defendants also took payments from other men to whom they supplied the girls for sex.

The girls involved were not in school regularly and often "drank and smoked and hung around with little to do".

They knew the men by nicknames such as "Master" and "Tiger", the court was told.

One of the men worked at The Balti House in Heywood, which is now under new ownership Miss Smith said they were the "sort of children who were easy to identify, target and exploit for the sexual gratification of these men".

The court heard the men knew each other and two of them worked in takeaways in Heywood, Rochdale, called Tasty Bites and the Balti House.

Both takeaways are now under new ownership.

Four of the men worked as cab drivers at local taxi firms, one was a student and four were jobless.

Kabeer Hassan, 24, Abdul Aziz, 41, Abdul Rauf, 43, Mohammed Sajid, 35, Adil Khan, 42, Abdul Qayyum, 43, Mohammed Amin, 44, Qamar Shahzad, 29, Liaquat Shah, 41, and Hamid Safi, 22, have all pleaded not guilty to conspiracy to engage in sexual activity with a child under 16.

A 59-year-old man, who cannot be named for legal reasons, also denies the same charge.

Trafficking charge

He also denies two counts of rape, aiding and abetting a rape, one count of sexual assault and an allegation of trafficking within the UK for sexual exploitation.

Mr Hassan, of Lacrosse Avenue, Oldham, and Mr Shahzad, of Tweedale Street, Rochdale, also deny rape.

Mr Aziz, of Armstrong Hurst Close, Rochdale, denies two counts of rape and one allegation of trafficking for sexual exploitation.

Mr Khan, of Oswald Street, and Mr Rauf, of Darley Road, both in Rochdale, have also pleaded not guilty to trafficking for sexual exploitation.

Mr Sajid, of Jepheys Street, Rochdale, denies trafficking, two counts of rape and one allegation of sexual activity with a child.

Mr Amin, of Falinge Road, Rochdale, denies sexual assault.

Mr Shah and Mr Safi, both of Kensington Street, Rochdale, each denied two counts of rape and Mr Safi has also pleaded not guilty to trafficking.

Mr Aziz, Mr Khan, Mr Safi and the 59-year-old are currently in custody.

Mr Qayyum, of Ramsay Street, Rochdale, and the rest of the defendants are on bail.

The court heard that on one occasion the 59-year-old man met two girls at a takeaway where they were given food and vodka.

He demanded sex from one 15-year-old, saying: "It's part of the deal because I bought you vodka, you have to give me something."

Miss Smith said the girl refused and he raped her.

The jury also heard that in about August 2008 Abdul Aziz "took over" from the 59-year-old and started taking girls to various locations where they would have sex with older men.

One of these locations was a flat in Jephys Street, Rochdale, where Mohammed Sajid and Mohammed Shazad lived, where a "group of men" would always be waiting to have sex with them.

The trial continues.


Media under-reporting of Grooming case continues

Trial commences at Liverpool Crown Court of eleven men accused of supplying alcohol and drugs to underage girls and then sexually exploiting them.

Date - 22nd February 2012

Courtesy of - Ananova

Eleven [Asian Muslim] men have gone on trial accused of sexually exploiting underage [English] girls who had been plied with drugs and alcohol.

The five youngsters - aged between 13 and 15 when the alleged abuse began - were thought to have been "passed around" among a group of men in Rochdale and sometimes subjected to violence.

A jury at Liverpool Crown Court has been told that one of the girls became pregnant at the age of 13 and had to have an abortion.

The court heard another girl "very quickly became regularly and heavily drunk, depressed, incapable of getting herself out of the situation and resigned to what was happening to her".

Prosecutor Rachel Smith said: "She did not always cry or protest or tell the men that she did not want to have sex with them although she often did both.

"But she was persistently coerced or forced into submission by them."

Another girl, who had absconded from a council care home, said she was sexually exploited by large numbers of men and given "substantial amounts of alcohol such that she was severely drunk when she was used for sex".

She said: "They just get you proper hammered so that you can't do anything."

She claimed that she would regularly find herself drunk to near unconsciousness, waking up with men having sex with her.

She also claimed that one man would pull her hair and grab her neck if she resisted and had threatened to cut her with a razor blade if she refused to have sex with him.

The girl was eventually removed from the area and accommodated in the south of England after social workers had become aware of the extent of the alleged offences.

The court was told that the case followed an investigation by Greater Manchester Police with the first arrest in 2008 and the final one in 2011.

The jury heard police missed an opportunity to intervene earlier when one of the alleged victims disclosed what had happened but officers decided at that stage not to take the matter further. [Emphasis mine].

The defendants are Kabeer Hassan (25), Abdul Aziz (41), Abdul Rauf (43), Mohammed Sajid (35), Adil Khan (42), Abdul Qayyum (43), Mohammed Amin (44), Qamar Shazad (29), Liaquat Shah (41) and Hamid Safi (22).

Another defendant cannot be named for legal reasons. All deny the charges against them.

Many other men, who have not been identified by the police, are said to have been involved in the exploitation. The trial continues.

From the Police Oracle web site

Tuesday, 21 February 2012

The Wild Bunch

"The future's so bright I gotta wear shades"

Salaam a slice at a time

The Creeping System Lesson on Islam

Acknowledgements to the Casuals United Blog for the following, posted today

Have come across something online, so just thought I’d share:

Islamization occurs when there are sufficient Muslims in a country to agitate for their so-called 'religious rights'.

As long as the Muslim population remains around 1% of any given country they will be regarded as a peace-loving minority and not as a threat to anyone. In fact, they may be featured in articles and films, stereotyped for their colorful uniqueness:

United States Muslim 1.0%

Australia Muslim 1.5%

Canada Muslim 1.9%

China Muslim 1%-2%

Italy Muslim 1.5%

Norway Muslim 1.8%

At 2% and 3% they begin to proselytize from other ethnic minorities and disaffected groups with major recruiting from the jails and among street gangs:

Denmark Muslim 2%

Germany Muslim 3.7%

Spain Muslim 4%

Thailand Muslim 4.6%

From 5% on they exercise an inordinate influence in proportion to their percentage of the population.

They will push for the introduction of halal (clean by Islamic standards) food, thereby securing food preparation jobs for Muslims. They will increase pressure on supermarket chains to feature it on their shelves along with threats for failure to comply (United States and UK).

France Muslim 8%

Philippines Muslim 5%

Sweden Muslim 5%

Switzerland Muslim 4.3%

The Netherlands Muslim 5.5%

Trinidad & Tobago Muslim 5.8%

United Kingdom 7%

At this point, they will work to get the ruling government to allow them to rule themselves under Sharia, the Islamic Law. The ultimate goal of Islam is not to convert the world but to establish Sharia law over the entire world.

When Muslims reach 10% of the population, they will increase lawlessness as a means of complaint about their conditions (Paris car-burnings). Any non-Muslim action that offends Islam will result in uprisings and threats (Danish Mohammed cartoons).

Guyana Muslim 10%

India Muslim 13.4%

Israel Muslim 16%

Kenya Muslim 10%

Russia Muslim 10-15%

After reaching 20% expect hair-trigger rioting, jihad militia formations, sporadic killings and church and synagogue burning:

Ethiopia Muslim 32.8%

At 40% you will find widespread massacres, chronic terror attacks and ongoing militia warfare:

Bosnia Muslim 40%

Chad Muslim 53.1%

Lebanon Muslim 59.7%

From 60% you may expect unfettered persecution of non-believers and other religions, sporadic ethnic cleansing (genocide), use of Sharia Law as a weapon and Jizya, the tax placed on infidels:

Albania Muslim 70%

Malaysia Muslim 60.4%

Qatar Muslim 77.5%

Sudan Muslim 70%

After 80% expect State run ethnic cleansing and genocide:

Bangladesh Muslim 83%

Egypt Muslim 90%

Gaza Muslim 98.7%

Indonesia Muslim 86.1%

Iran Muslim 98%

Iraq Muslim 97%

Jordan Muslim 92%

Morocco Muslim 98.7%

Pakistan Muslim 97%

Palestine Muslim 99%

Syria Muslim 90%

Tajikistan Muslim 90%

Turkey Muslim 99.8%

United Arab Emirates Muslim 96%

100% will usher in the peace of 'Dar-es-Salaam' the Islamic House of Peace. There’s supposed to be peace because everybody is a Muslim:

Afghanistan — Muslim 100%

Saudi Arabia — Muslim 100%

Somalia — Muslim 100%

Yemen — Muslim 99.9%

Sound like a 'house of peace' to you?


Monday, 20 February 2012

Dirty Harry (1971)

Do you feel lucky, Punk?

Berk and Hair

Punk singer 'Mish Bondage' takes on BNP in sexual discrimination claim

Feb 17 2012

Michelle Harrington alias 'Mish Bondage'

A PUNK singer has accused a BNP politician of sex discrimination and unfair dismissal.

Michelle Harrington – known as Mish Bondage when she sings with Sado-Nation – was an assistant to Euro MP Andrew Brons.

And Michelle, who lives in Edinburgh, has called BNP leader Nick Griffin to give evidence.

The American claims she was also a victim of religious discrimination while working for Brons at an office in Edinburgh.

As Mish Bondage, she is plastered across the internet wearing leather and fishnets, sporting tattoos and with bright red hair.

But the 49-year-old wore sombre black clothing for the preliminary hearing in Edinburgh yesterday.

She was represented by her husband Pat Harrington, who is general secretary of the BNP-affiliated union Solidarity.

He tried to have her identity kept secret, saying she had been subjected to months of internet abuse by anonymous bloggers while she was employed by the BNP in Edinburgh.

Harrington told the employment tribunal his wife had been the victim of “a public campaign of hatred when she was just doing her job”.

One blog post described her as “a foreign bondage freak with contradicting decency and brutish values”.

Another said she was a “reprehensible woman of no worth and a degenerative”.

Harrington added: “People seem to think it’s OK to vilify her on sexual grounds. Sexual discrimination and harassment is not acceptable in the workplace.”

But Brons’ representative opposed reporting restrictions, saying the Harringtons’ argument was “weak” as the allegations were in the public domain.

Michelle is also bringing the case against the BNP’s former national elections officer Eddy Butler, claiming sexual and religious discrimination and unfair dismissal.

Brons represents Yorkshire and the Humber at the European Parliament.

The case continues.

Daily Record

Sunday, 19 February 2012

"That's another fine mess you've got me into!"

Tesco asks government to change flagship jobless scheme

Work experience programme must be voluntary, says major employer amid complaints it is profiting from forced labour

Shiv Malik

The Guardian, Saturday, 18 February, 2012

Tesco said it had entered the work experience scheme in good faith but had 'felt uncomfortable' about being involved in a programme which was seen as compulsory.

The Department for Work and Pensions has come under pressure from Britain's biggest private employer to fundamentally change the terms of one of its flagship unemployment schemes following complaints that jobseekers are being used as taxpayer-subsidised labour in high street chains up and down the country.

Supermarket group Tesco said it has asked DWP officials to make the work experience scheme voluntary after thousands of angry customers wrote in and posted messages on Twitter and the company's Facebook site accusing the multinational of profiting from hundreds of thousands of hours of forced unpaid work.

Under the scheme, jobseekers work up to eight weeks for 30 hours a week in placements organised by job centre managers. These can take place in private businesses after the government changed the rules at the start of 2011. Before that, work experience placements were limited to two weeks and could only take place at charities and public bodies.

After the eight weeks those who have worked in store are promised no more than an interview. Companies have no obligation to have a job on offer before they enrol the unemployed on a placement. According to the latest figures 34,000 people were put through the scheme between January and November last year.

If jobseekers pull out of a placement after the first week they face having their benefits withdrawn.

In a statement from Tesco on Friday night, the company – which made £3.8bn in profits last year – said it wanted the scheme to be free from any sort of sanction.

"We understand the concern that those who stay in the scheme longer than a week risk losing their benefits if they drop out before the end of their placement," Tesco said. "We have suggested to DWP that to avoid any misunderstanding about the voluntary nature of the scheme, this threat of losing benefit should be removed."

Behind the scenes, DWP officials have been desperately attempting to shore up support for the scheme which David Cameron, Nick Clegg and George Osborne have personally championed. On Thursday, officials described claims that firms were thinking of withdrawing as "overheated nonsense", adding: "A vast number of businesses are involved in providing work experience schemes, including some of Britain's biggest names."

The government recently said it was extending the scheme to more than 100,000 placements a year. However, this has not stopped Sainsbury's, Waterstones and clothing giant TK Maxx announcing in recent weeks that they were pulling out.

Waterstones said it did not want to encourage unpaid work. Sainsbury's stressed the only back-to-work scheme it was engaging with was entirely voluntary and would try out benefit claimants for an actual job vacancy. The Guardian understands that other major high street chains are reconsidering their involvement.

Tesco said it had entered the scheme in good faith but had "felt uncomfortable" about being involved in a programme which was seen as compulsory. It said it had made its concerns known to senior departmental officials on Friday.

Tesco did not comment on what action it would take if the DWP refused to change the terms of the scheme. Any move would undermine ministers' previous stance on the importance of sanctions to reinforce personal responsibility.

"We would never offer longer-term work on an unpaid basis," a Tesco spokesperson said, adding: "We remain 100% committed to offering long-term, sustainable and rewarding paths into employment for thousands of young people.''

DWP officials said the sanctions were introduced for those who withdraw from a placement after the first week to protect employers from wasting time, but said they were "happy to discuss with employers whether this is warranted".

Chris Grayling, employment minister, said in a statement: "Our work experience scheme is voluntary and thanks to companies like Tesco and many others it has provided a route for literally thousands of young people to find their first job." He added: "The idea that providing work experience for unemployed young people is some kind of forced labour is utterly and completely absurd."

Lawyers who are bringing a legal claim against the department under the Human Rights Act legislation on forced labour, welcomed Tesco's move. Solicitor Jim Duffy from Public Interest Lawyers said: "Tesco, one of the main beneficiaries of the schemes, has now recognised that coercing people into unpaid labour will not solve Britain's unemployment crisis or empower Britain's 2.6 million unemployed. The government must now scrap these schemes and come up with individualised tailored approaches that will not only get people into work but will keep them there."

Friday, 17 February 2012

Harrington ties himself up in knots

BNP chief wades into city Bondage punk’s tribunal

Friday, 17 February, 2012

NICK Griffin, the controversial leader of the British National Party, is to give evidence at an employment tribunal between a punk singer from Edinburgh and a fellow far-right politician.

Michelle Harrington – also known as Mish Bondage – has accused the BNP’s Andrew Brons of sexual and religious discrimination and unfair dismissal.

American-born Mrs Harrington, singer with punk band Sado-Nation, worked as an assistant to Mr Brons, the MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber.

The 49-year-old, from Edinburgh, worked for Mr Brons at an office in the centre of the capital.

Mr Brons is currently embroiled in a bitter dispute with Mr Griffin after he contested the leadership of the party last May [sic, July].

At the start of the employment tribunal, it was revealed that Mr Griffin is due to be called as a witness. It is believed Mr Griffin will give evidence for Mrs Harrington.

As her alter-ego, Mish Bondage, she appears in pictures on the internet wearing leather and fishnets, sporting tattoos and with bright red hair.

But Mrs Harrington adopted a much more demure look for the preliminary hearing in Edinburgh, dressing in smart and sombre black clothing.

She was represented at the hearing by her husband, Patrick Harrington, the general secretary of the BNP-affiliated union Solidarity.

Mr Harrington said his wife had been subjected to months of internet abuse by bloggers while she was employed by the BNP in Edinburgh.

In a bid to get a ruling that his wife’s identity was not reported, Mr Harrington spoke of her “deteriorating health conditions”, saying she suffered from “very severe stomach conditions, asthma and various other conditions affected by stress”.

Mr Harrington said his wife had been the victim of “a public campaign of hatred when she was just doing her job”.

She had been described in one blog post as “a foreign bondage freak with contradicting decency and brutish values”. Another, he said, described her as a “reprehensible woman of no worth and a degenerative”.

He added: “People seem to think it’s OK to vilify her on sexual grounds. Sexual discrimination and harassment is not acceptable in the workplace.”

Mr Brons’ legal representative opposed reporting restrictions, describing the Harringtons’ argument as “weak” and claiming: “Much of the allegations and evidence is in the public domain already.”

Mrs Harrington is also bringing the case against the BNP’s former national elections officer, Eddy Butler, claiming sexual and religious discrimination and unfair dismissal.

Employment judge Ian McPherson said he would issue a written ruling on whether Mrs Harrington should be anonymous at future hearings.

The case continues.

Edinburgh Evening News

Free Speech Heroine says "Not Guilty"

Tram race rant accused Emma West pleads not guilty

Emma West is due to stand trial on 11 June 2012

A YOUNG MOTHER of two has pleaded not guilty over an alleged "racist rant" on a tram in South London, which has been seen online 11 million times.

Emma West, 34, of New Addington, South London, appeared at Croydon Crown Court this morning charged with two counts of a racially-aggravated public order offence, one with intent to cause fear.

She was arrested in November after footage, filmed on a Croydon-to-Wimbledon tram, was posted on YouTube.

She is due to stand trial on 11 June.


Dr Strangelove (1964)

Thursday, 16 February 2012


"Mmmmm, peanuts"

Now why on earth would anyone doubt that Nick Griffin was telling the truth about the recently announced windfall from the European 'parliament' to the British National Party? After all, it's not as if the man has proven himself to be a compulsive and habitual liar. Or is it?

Party Gourmet-in-Chief and Head of Twitching, Simon Darby, is salivating over the latest gastronomic treat he is promising himself from the source of all good things: the public purse.  However, this particular treat for the taste buds will need (when it eventually arrives) to be shared with at least two other nationalist parties within the European Union: leaving the BNP with a share amounting to considerably less than £100,000.

Now how much did Mr Griffin say the party owed its creditors at the end of 2010, that is, just over a year ago?  Oh yes, that's right, £850,000.

I do hope that Mr Darby likes his nuts roasted.

Criminalize free speech at your peril

Acknowledgements to http://www.andrewbrons.mep.eu/

Illegitimate custodians of cultural and intellectual heritage

Written by Administrator

15th January 2012

Last week, Andrew Brons MEP wrote the following letter to the editors of Britain's national and regional newspapers. Copies were also sent to French and Turkish English language websites.

"So the French political establishment wishes to make it a criminal offence to deny that the killing of up to 1.5 million Christian Armenians by the Turks in 1915 was genocide.

"Perhaps the French establishment was simply following the example of the Turks who had threatened to prosecute Orhan Pamuk in 2005, for claiming that the killing was genocide.

"Differences about propositions of fact are one thing; differences over description and classification of events are quite another.

"Professional historians understand that there is never the last word spoken or written on an area of historical study; there is only the latest word. All words of wisdom are doomed to be qualified or superseded by subsequent findings or conclusions. Academics in other subject areas would agree, mutatis mutandis.

"People who hope to set current findings or conclusions in stone, for all time, are at best ignorant of the nature of progression in academic research or, at worst, hostile to it. States that attempt to do the same reveal themselves to be totalitarian, anti-academic and, in an Age of Reason, utterly illegitimate custodians of a national and international cultural and intellectual heritage."

The Candidate (1972)

Wednesday, 15 February 2012

Watch this space

Acknowledgements to the durotrigan blogspot for this report, posted earlier today

Launch of the Centre for Democratic Nationalism

By a nationalist 

Saturday 4th February proved to be a chilly day as snow fell over much of England, including over the Salthorn Working Men’s Club in Oakenshaw. Nonetheless, this modest venue was to serve as the location for a meeting of delegates from as far afield as Liverpool, Lincolnshire and Wales. By all accounts, the nationalists located within generated much heat, but was there much light?

Undeterred by the adverse weather, upwards of forty individuals from a number of nationalist political parties and organizations had gathered for the inaugural meeting of Andrew Brons’ Centre for Democratic Nationalism, billed as a “a catalyst for nationalist unity” with its declared aim being “to facilitate the emergence of a united British Nationalist Movement.” Speakers included Andrew Brons MEP, Peter Rushton, Assistant Editor of Heritage and Destiny, and former British National Party Councillor, Dr Jim Lewthwaite: who are reported to have delivered “great speeches without actually managing to offer any solutions”; with the focus being very much upon enumerating all of the things that are wrong with our country.

The meeting lasted some four hours, with ninety minutes being given over to the main speakers and the rest of the time being left open for debate arising from the speeches and questions from the audience. Capably overseeing proceedings was Ivan Winters of the Democratic Nationalists. As ever, it would seem that there were almost as many perspectives as there were nationalists, with the 5% of views not common to all possibly assuming an undue significance, leading to much heated argument. Presumably, this should be expected given that delegates hailed from organizations as diverse as UKIP, the BNP, the British People’s Party and the British Movement. One or two of the ideas forwarded proved to raise a few eyebrows. To the best of my knowledge, nobody from either the English Democrats or the British Freedom Party was present.

Given that this was the initial meeting of the CDN, it is not that surprising that nothing of major substance was agreed, but evidently if it is to succeed in the longer term it needs to move beyond such gatherings, and to offer something positive and concrete. Without a focus it is likely that the nationalist scene will continue to fragment, and activists will drift to the English Democrats or the British Freedom Party for the want of anything better. The CDN should certainly function as a think tank, but as events with the Brent Group have recently shown, this alone is unlikely to be sufficient to maintain its long-term viability. A common vision with respect to the future of nationalist politics is lacking; of that there can be little doubt. Although a well-organized event, there was still an absence of clarity as to the future purpose of the CDN at its close.

Should the CDN not also seek to launch or to endorse a new party? Although Andrew Brons himself has ruled out this option and has provided some pertinent reasons for not following such a course, some of us are of another opinion. The existing parties contending for the nationalist vote all possess significant flaws in both their policy and approach, which not only limit their appeal to the general public, but also prove to be an imperfect fit for many of a nationalist inclination. What should we do to remedy this? For the answers to that question, you shall have to wait, but not for long.

What am I bid for the Acropolis?

Greece needs to revert to the drachma

Written by Administrator

15th February 2012

In a scheduled speech to the European Parliament in Strasbourg yesterday afternoon, Andrew Brons addressed his fellow MEPs on the possible introduction of European Stability Bonds.

He said:

"When it comes to borrowing money, interest is not the only price you pay. Your creditor or guarantor will demand conditions for the loan.

"Stability bonds might facilitate borrowing, by insolvent countries, by providing a joint and several guarantee of repayment. However, the real price to be paid by the peoples of ailing countries, rather than their governments, will be even more budgetary constraint, which leads to economic depression, even greater unemployment, misery, homelessness and even suicide.

"For Greece, the cradle of democracy, the unelected Commission will determine tax and spending policies that should instead be determined by Greek voters through their elected representatives in their own national Parliament.

"These sacrifices might be worthwhile, if they guaranteed prosperity for the ailing countries. However, they are locked into a currency that is absurdly overvalued for their economies. They need reversion to their own currencies that will devalue and will then produce export-led recoveries."

From http://www.andrewbronsmep.eu/

A man is known by the company he keeps

"Please release me, let me go..."
 Sunday Mail, 22 April, 2007



Photo Captions:

Thigh's the limit: Sharp shows off her kinky boots on the internet

Police brutality: Sharp dresses as saucy cop showing off handcuffs

Helping the poor: The office where Sharp works after earning thousands at her seedy dungeon

Fetish: Jacqueline

Extremist [sic]: Patrick



A CITIZENS Advice worker has a seedy secret life - as a leather-clad dominatrix called Mistress Sabrina.

Married mum-of-two Jacqueline Sharp charges punters £100-an-hour to be tortured in her private sex dungeon.

But when she's not whipping bodies, she's whipping out forms to help debt-ridden families get back on their feet.

Sharp, 41, works part-time at the Citizens Advice Bureau near her home in Leith, Edinburgh.

But most of the time she is based at her sleazy sex dungeon near the city's Haymarket train station.

She has earned thousands spanking big-spending businessmen in her role as a "strict mistress".

On her website, Sharp poses in a black PVC police officer's outfit and thigh-high boots while brandishing a leather whip and handcuffs.

Another shot shows her in sleazy red and black underwear with long black gloves, boots...and a studded paddle for spanking.

Other photos show her with an assortment of torture devices - including chains, handcuffs, and gags.

Sharp describes herself as a "sexy, stunning, strict mistress" and boasts she even has her own rack, wrist and ankle restrains.

Her jobless husband Patrick Harrington - who is a racist activist with links to the British National Party - knows about his wife's murky sideline.

The couple split two years ago and Sharp started dating jobless Mark Stewart, also of Edinburgh.

Last night, he told how Sharp cheekily used his flat to torture punters. He said: "She used my flat on one occasion because she couldn't hire the dungeon that night.

"She would get punters to email her then call her and she would direct them to Haymarket train station, where she could have a look at them before giving them the address of the dungeon.

"She was always into that scene anyway and she told me she might as well make money at it.

"She would charge £100 an hour and give the woman who owned the dungeon £20 of that. It makes you wonder what advice she gives people who go to see her at the Citizens Advice Bureau when they tell her they are up to their eyes in debt.

"I bet she doesn't tell them to hire a dungeon and start whipping businessmen for money."

Stewart, who has a drugs conviction, has now split with Sharp and claims she is back with Harrington.

He added that she still has some of his possessions and won't return them.

Stewart said: "They are back together and they have taken an interdict against me to stop me getting my stuff back from the flat.

"I'm waiting on a date for court to fight it and all the stuff about her being into this fetish and dungeon stuff has been lodged at court."

Last night Sharp and Harrington declined to comment.

Harrington was a prominent member of the National Front and deputy editor of their NF News.

In 1984 fellow students at the Polytechnic of North London picketed lectures to demand he be thrown out.

In 1989 Harrington voted for the disbandment of the Official National Front and joined with others to form the far-right [sic] Third Way (UK) in 1990.


"Patrick Harrington is a political researcher with a BA Hons in Philosophy and a Post Graduate Certificate of Education (FE). He has a strong interest in Law and Human Rights. Patrick is currently studying LLM, Employment Rights Law. His duties involve research of the Human Rights committee and advising Nick Griffin on voting decisions.

"Pat Harrington is now currently acting as Nick Griffin's staff manager for the European staff." [Emphasis mine].

From Nick Griffin's MEP web site

Let's learn more about this "valueless tool"

Guardian journalist wins right to 'sensitive' court papers related to Griffin conviction

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) must disclose some papers it holds relating to the successful conviction of controversial right-wing politician Nick Griffin for a racial hate crime in the 1990s, an Information Rights Tribunal has ruled.

13 Feb 2012

The Tribunal ruled that it was in the "substantial public interest" for the information to be disclosed. Guardian journalist Ian Cobain had requested the information under UK freedom of information (FOI) laws.

Cobain had appealed against a previous ruling on his request by the Information Commissioner who had determined that the CPS did not have to disclose any of the information he sought. The CPS will now have to disclose "witness statements and supporting exhibits" that Griffin's defence had relied upon at his trial as well as the final form of indictment he had been issued with.

CPS must also disclose "unedited records" of taped interviews the police had conducted with the British National Party (BNP) leader as well as published material issued by Griffin or the BNP which the CPS had gathered in evidence without having to "resort to coercive powers".

The Tribunal said that the material should be disclosed even though it constituted sensitive personal data. However, it ruled that some details which had been requested were exempt from disclosure under the FOI Act.

"Disclosure of the sensitive data would be 'in connection with' the commission of an unlawful act (hence the conviction), seriously improper conduct and arguably Mr. Griffin`s unfitness for political office. It would be for the purpose of journalism, Mr Cobain's occupation, and would be intended for publication in his newspaper and possibly thereafter, in a book," the judge David Farrer QC, said in his ruling (25-page/ 100KB PDF).

"Given the issues involved, namely racial and/or religious hatred and the right to express even extreme views, we find that disclosure would be in the substantial public interest," he said.

"We do not consider that the passage of eleven years before the request renders disclosure unfair, or unwarranted by reason of prejudice to Mr. Griffin`s interests nor likely to cause substantial damage or distress to him. In making that judgement we have regard to Mr. Griffin`s age (50 at the date of the request, 39 at the date of trial), his continuing political prominence and his apparent claim to be an educated, reasonable and responsible MEP and party leader who has rejected any racial extremism formerly associated with his party," Farrer said.

In 1998 Griffin was prosecuted and issued with a substantial fine and suspended jail sentence for publishing material that was likely to stir up racial hatred in right-wing publication The Rune. Cobain had asked CPS for a copy of documents relating to the case under FOIA after discovering that the court where the trial was held no longer had a record of the files. However, CPS rejected Cobain's request believing that it did not have to disclose the information on the grounds that the information constituted sensitive personal data.

Cobain turned to the Information Commissioner, who is responsible for ensuring public organisations comply with FOIA, but despite criticising CPS for failing to look into the issue in sufficient detail he too determined that the information did not have to be disclosed. However, on appeal the Tribunal said that despite the fact the information was sensitive personal data there were legitimate reasons why CPS should have to disclose it.

Under FOIA individuals have a general ‘right to know’, which entitles them to be provided with information held by Government departments and public bodies. However, those bodies can legitimately withhold information requested in some circumstances. Information can be held back under qualified and absolute exemptions, although in the case of qualified exemptions organisations are still obliged to conduct a 'public interest test' to determine whether it is right for information to be disclosed – the presumption being in favour of that disclosure.

One absolute exemption in FOI laws allows public authorities to refuse to disclose information they hold when the information amounts to personal data where to do so would be a breach of the Data Protection Act. However, personal data can be legitimately disclosed in some cases. For the data protection exemption, a slightly different public interest test applies for which there is no presumption in favour of disclosure. Here, the legitimate interests of the public in the disclosure need to be balanced against the interests of the individual whose personal data would be disclosed.

Under the Data Protection Act organisations must process personal data fairly and lawfully. Sensitive personal data, including information about "the commission or alleged commission ... of any offence" by an individual, should not be processed unless under strict conditions. However, a Data Protection (Processing of Sensitive Personal Data) Order does specify conditions in which organisations can legally disclose sensitive personal data.

Under the Order sensitive personal data can be disclosed if it is in the "substantial public interest" to do so, and as long as the information "is in connection with the commission by any person of any unlawful act (whether alleged or established)", or connected to a number of other acts. The information must also be for a "special purpose", which includes for journalistic, artistic or literary purposes. Finally, organisations must also consider that the data may be published so should "reasonably believe" that publication would be in the public interest.

The Tribunal said it was both fair and lawful for the information to be disclosed and that it was necessary for CPS to do so to fulfil a legitimate journalistic purpose, because it was in the substantial public interest for the information to be published and because that information was likely to be published. It said Griffin's rights, freedoms and legitimate interests would not be unfairly prejudiced by its decision.

"Given his marked preference for publicity, not least as to the trial, and his prominent and sensitive political role since, we conclude that disclosure to the world at large of the personal data requested would be fair and lawful. We do not doubt, nor was the point seriously contested, that disclosure is necessary for a legitimate investigative purpose of journalism. Given his position and his own attitude to such publicity, we find no prejudice to Mr. Griffin`s rights and freedoms or legitimate interests," the judge said.

David Farrer QC dismissed the Information Commissioner's claim that Cobain was not entitled to the disclosure of sensitive personal data because he was a journalist and therefore not 'a member of the public' as FOIA requires in order for personal data to be disclosed.

Farrer QC said that FOIA would be a "valueless tool" if journalists and other categorised members of society were unable to "investigate serious wrongdoing" and that it would raise questions over whether FOIA "was worth enactment".

However, the judge determined that CPS would not have to disclose some information Cobain had requested under a separate exception in FOIA.

Section 30 of FOIA allows public authorities to legitimately withhold information "if it has at any time been held by the authority for the purposes of any criminal proceedings which the authority has power to conduct".

This exemption means CPS does not have to disclose "material seized by the police from whatever premises" by executing warrants under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act (PACE), Farrer QC said. It also means CPS does not have disclose "internal CPS records which say nothing about Mr. Griffin`s defence" or "material of such limited public interest that the general interest in privacy prevails though both are slight".

Farrer QC said it was "self explanatory" why both the internal CPS records and privacy-prevailing material did not have to be disclosed but issued a more detailed rationale as to why PACE-obtained evidence did not have to be handed over.

"PACE and similar warrants, which are coercive and highly intrusive weapons in the investigator`s armoury, are granted for the exclusive purpose of a criminal investigation and it would be unfair and contrary to principle to require their further disclosure. It is plainly contrary to the public interest for such material to be made available to the public, regardless of its intrinsic character," the judge said.